Indonesian influencers have stepped in to seize the intellectual mantle once held by the ivory tower.

​Gramsci famously posited that while everyone is an intellectual, not everyone fulfills the function of an intellectual in society. His perspective serves as a poignant reminder: being an intellectual is less about academic credentials and more about the responsibility one carries.

To Gramsci, the label is a mandate—a duty to articulate the aspirations of the oppressed and to dismantle the hegemonies that perpetuate injustice.

​Being brilliant, knowledgeable, or highly educated does not automatically make one an intellectual. Intelligence and academic status, if not coupled with the courage to speak truth to power and defend the vulnerable, fall short of the mark.

Intellectuals and Political Movements

According to Gramsci, the intellectual is defined by a political stance within the socio-political structure rather than mere academic authority. They are the martyrs prepared to face the sledgehammer of tyranny to represent the discordant voices of the masses, often unheard within the inner circles of power.

​Historically, the modern intellectual was born in the university. Figures like Simone de Beauvoir and Michel Foucault emerged from the Sorbonne in France; Theodor Adorno and Jürgen Habermas rose from Goethe University Frankfurt. In the United States, Noam Chomsky, renowned for his scathing critiques of global hegemony, is a professor emeritus at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT).

​In Indonesia’s Reformation era, Amien Rais—a Gadjah Mada University (UGM) academic and U.S.-educated political scientist—became a central intellectual engine behind the movement to topple the New Order regime. His fiery oratory and ability to organize mass movements at a crucial historical juncture exemplified this role.

​Yet, in the generations that followed, it has become increasingly difficult to find academics in Indonesia who truly fulfill the Gramscian function of an intellectual. Universities are no longer the breeding ground for such figures. Instead, these institutions have become factories for skilled laborers and pragmatically-minded technocrats who, more often than not, choose to serve the corridors of power.

​The University is Being Controlled

The primary factor stifling the growth of the intellectual class in Indonesia is the lack of genuine campus autonomy. Indonesian universities operate under heavy government oversight, failing to function as autonomous entities independent of the state.

​Public universities remain under the direct supervision of a central ministry. Even though they now hold legal entity status (PTN-BH)—granting them control over assets and finances—true autonomy remains elusive. Even the election of rectors is often “managed” by the government through a mix of official regulations and unofficial political maneuvering.

​It is an open secret that there has been a systematic weakening of the campus’s critical voice—a trend that intensified under the previous administration. This can be described as a “depoliticization of the campus,” a term reminiscent of the Daoed Joesoef era during the New Order, which sought to stifle student movements following the 1974 Malari riots.

​”Student movements have been neutered; Student Executive Bodies (BEM) are being steered toward specific political agendas, often through financial incentives,” explained a former BEM official. This political erosion affects not only students but also faculty members, as rectorates are brought under tighter control.

​With the campus silenced—either through the absence of academic critique or the dormancy of student movements—who is left to play the role of the intellectual, to challenge authority and demand justice?

​The Rise of the New Intellectuals

​Interestingly, a new intellectuals has emerged. A handful of figures have utilized social media to criticize the government and amplify public grievances. While they may not be “academics” in the traditional sense, their critiques demonstrate a sophisticated intellectual logic.

​Without the baggage of academic titles, they launch sharp, consistent critiques across digital platforms. They are influencers, but they represent a brand-new genre of political narrative and approach.

​Ferry Irwandi and Pandji Pragiwaksono are two prominent names in this shift. Ferry possesses a deep understanding of economic theory and analysis that rivals conventional economists or lecturers. Pandji, while not a specialist in a single discipline, possesses broad general knowledge and a keen awareness of liberal and democratic principles.

​Ferry excels at translating complex economic concepts into accessible daily language. Pandji, a stand-up comedian, uses satire to critique the government; his recent show, Mens-Rea, went viral and sparked significant public discourse.

​Their “battleground” is the digital realm. They voice aspirations without always having to take to the streets—though Ferry and several other public figures notably joined the mass protests last August. With the rise of this new intellectual class, social media has become the new “public sphere” for discourse.

​Jürgen Habermas argued that the public sphere is vital to democracy, as democracy is sustained through discursive debate. Figures like Ferry and Pandji act as catalysts and new patrons for this political discourse online.

​Admittedly, not every influencer possesses the analytical clarity or rational rigor to be deemed an intellectual. However, given the vacuum left by the silence of the ivory tower, these influencers have taken up the collective obligation that the academia have abandoned.

​Like it or not, influencers have become the new intellectuals of the information age.